Sunday, 18 September 2022

Hiding the basic threat against which stigmata stories were built

Today, as my brother and I repeated a familiar discussion about the origins of miracle stories like Thérèse Neumann and Marthe Robin, we made a now-unusual lapse into German on a slightly different note:

“Es war eine politische Geschichte”
“Das stimmt nicht! Die Arbeiter war im großen und Ganzen nicht Kommunisten. Die Kirche wollte Sankte Thérèse!”

The problem with what my brother says is that, whilst in ordinary circumstances German workers did not show overt sympathy or any evidence of support for revolutionary socialism, when other workers demonstrated what class struggle could achieve, German workers overwhelmingly supported revolutionary socialism because they saw that it was infinitely better for the majority than capitalism.

It was this support that allowed the Bolshevik Government to survive against the intervention of 22 foreign armies. The threat of revolution at home compelled the ruling classes of Western and Central Europe to compromise. Part of the resulting compromise was withdrawing from Russia and not hosting a White Russian government-in-exile.

When the stigmata stories of Thérèse Neumann (and Marthe Robin) were developed, the Catholic Church was living in fear of a workers’ revolution in Western Europe that would have expropriated the Church’s immense wealth, and left its priests and bishops under mortal threat of execution. The peasantry stood important in the success or failure of workers’ revolution. If the workers were able to give the peasants land by expropriating the big landowners (including the Church), they would support it, but if they failed to do this, the peasantry was very likely to support the Church. Given the uncompromising hostility between the Church and the workers, the peasantry was extremely critical in the battle for power.

Even if it is unlikely any peasant shifted from the side of the workers to that of the Church upon observing supposed miracles, repeated exposure, like that to the struggles of workers on the other side, was bound to have effects. This would probably be true even for merely promoted miracles in the local area.

In the case of the Fatima Marian apparition, there is no doubt of course that it was aimed at the threat of workers’ revolution expropriating the Church. As Portugal in 1917 had a much less developed working class than Germany or France, it is logical that the threat loomed even larger even if less explicit in these slightly later stigmata miracles.

Wednesday, 10 August 2022

Serious, yet trivial in the big picture

A few days ago, I noticed discussion of how car companies have been trying to slow the shift towards electric vehicles, as has been discussed by Ben Cubby in the Sydney Morning Herald a couple of days ago as I type this.

Especially since car manufacturing in Australia has been closed down after three decades of trying to stop it, car companies attract relatively little attention in the mind of the Australian public. Even in countries that still manufacture cars, car companies are rarely major newsmakers, despite their immense wealth and vast output. The Federal Chamber of Automotive Industries, even without any local car manufacturing, is nonetheless an immensely powerful lobby group inside Australia, representing thirty-nine makes of car. Despite the undoubted influence, even control, of the Federal Chamber of Automotive Industries upon Australian transport and energy policy, the organisation’s name is not known to most Australians.

Despite being viewed by my relatives as propaganda, some quotes from Environment, Capitalism and Socialism continue to influence my thinking

Ever since I read the pamphlets of the Public Transport Users Association, and much more so again after reading the now-defunct Democratic Socialist Party’s 1990 (updated 1999) book Environment, Capitalism and Socialism, I have come to believe that the production of private cars is ipso facto unsustainable and unnecessary. That is to say, if every last dollar of public and private money devoted to road building and car production were redirected to mass transit, there would be large reductions in greenhouse gas emissions accompanied by zero loss of mobility for the majority of the population. The Public Transport Users Association — whom I came after reading the Trotskyists to regard as too lenient and compromising — nonetheless demonstrated in the early 1990s that a public transit system for Melbourne equal to the best in Europe and Japan would cost one-twelfth the amount actually wasted by the Kennett and other governments on the Scoresby, Mornington Peninsula, and Dingley Freeways, CityLink and the Western Ring Road. The evidence of the PTUA amply proved to me that the influence of the car industry must dictate transport policy in Australia, and that the most rational and logical policy would:

  • put an end to all trunk road building whatsoever
  • transfer all money spent on roads — excluding that spent upon their demolition and revegetation — to improvements in rail and other public transport
  • have as its ultimate goal a transport system based upon 100 percent public transit modal share — initially in urban areas and subsequently elsewhere
  • aim to develop communities without local roads for private cars
    • homes would be instead connected by single-lane roads for special uses or better still exclusively by footpaths or tramways
After I heard that cars were not the major single source of greenhouse gases during a holiday in the Otways in 2001, I slightly lessened insistence on the phase-out of private transport until reading Richard Smith’s ‘Elon Musk’s electric planet-suicide vehicle: Automobiles, emissions and degrowth’ last September.

Smith’s article was published in Volume 3 Supplement B of the 2020 Ecological Citizen, and it suffices to say here that Smith demonstrated that to avoid catastrophic global warming:
  1. the entire modern car industry must be shut down
  2. vehicle production must be dramatically cut (by 99 percent or more) and all but the smallest vehicles banned from production entirely
  3. there must be a complete transformation of the transport system to one based upon mass public transit for every journey
What Smith, alongside the Democratic Socialist Party and Public Transport Users Association, does demonstrate is that road lobby groups like the Federal Chamber of Automotive Industries are a major factor in preventing urgently needed reductions in greenhouse gas emissions, and that a strictly rational and logical transport system would have no place whatsoever for private motoring. Unless the car companies who support groups like the Federal Chamber of Automotive Industries are completely nationalised and expropriated — and the resources and wealth they hold wholly redirected to the building of decades-overdue mass transit systems capable of surpassing the car in mobility — there can never be any reductions in greenhouse gas emissions.

The best hope from this news is that people recognise the car companies and their front groups for what they are — ecological criminals for whom justice means expropriation of their entire wealth and assets and complete dismantling of the industries upon which this wealth is built. The public have undoubtedly been naïve about the car companies for far too long and a change in image is many decades overdue. The requisite image of the car companies is one of corporate polluters as bad as (possibly worse than) the less low-profile fossil fuel corporations.

Tuesday, 2 August 2022

“In the abbess”!

Last month, as I have watched a little of the 1989 Ashes series for the first time (at least since it was played), I was more convinced than ever before that English bowling at the tail end of the 1980s really was worse than at any other time in the history of cricket.

The abysmal line and length of English bowlers throughout the series really confirms what the 1990 and 1991 Wisdens were saying about the inability of English bowlers of the time to master even the basics. It demonstrates beyond the smallest doubt that the “Year of the Bat” in the following 1990 season — when not a single England-qualified bowler bowling minimally 1,000 balls averaged under 26 and the average number of runs per wicket in county cricket rose to a whopping 38.72 — had absolutely zilch to do with the quality of the batting. The extraordinary scores of 1990 were due to a combination of

  1. rigged pitches
    1. these were due to changes designed to reduce the effectiveness of county medium pacers, alongside full covering introduced to be more favourable to television broadcasting interests
  2. abysmal bowling standards as described above

One amazing but funny mishearing occurred last month when I said English bowling in the late 1980s was

“in the abyss”

was heard by my brother as

“in the abbess”!
My brother even joked about an abbess being an English bowler — of course utterly ridiculous! Nonetheless, the joke still resonates with me because although “a-biss” is not the same sound as “a-bess”, the correct pronunciation of abyss is “a-biss”, as with acidic (which I very frequently mispronounced as “a-si-dic” when reading chemistry textbooks in school).

Monday, 25 July 2022

How abysmal is Australia’s climate performance?

Ever since the Kyōtō Protocol clearly failed despite the efforts of Europe, I have always believed that there were deep and fundamental flaws with the whole process of climate protocols.

For many years, it has been clear to me that emissions reductions by resource-impoverished nations may be worse than useless. The resource-rich nations — mostly lying in the ecologically fragile arid regions of the globe as these are unaffected by resource-destroying orogeny and glaciation — can if one country divests from fossil fuels simply shift their sales to another country, neutralising the best efforts of resource-poor nations to divest from fossil fuels, and indeed making it a disadvantage to do something serious about greenhouse gas emissions. Because climate protocols have never been able to mount the smallest demands upon the resource-superabundant nations of Australia and the Gulf Cooperation Council, those countries have been — despite being the worst polluters in the world before the Kyōtō Protocol — invariably given carte blanche to increase emissions. Under such a scenario, it is impossible to stop global emissions skyrocketing. Australia, the Gulf States and other fossil fuel-rich desert nations like Iran, Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan will always have someone to sell their fossil fuels to.

In 2018, Dimitri Lafleur’s thesis Aspects of Australia’s fugitive and overseas emissions from fossil fuel exports demonstrated that one can quantify national emissions debits much better by tracing them to the beginning of the pipeline, rather than the end as published figures generally do. Lafleur’s figures show that Australia’s emissions — abysmal by conventional measurements — are by an extraction-based measurement three times higher than by the “territorial”-based measurement under which climate protocols have been carried out. Recent history implies that if emissions are not regulated at the beginning of the pipeline, efforts to regulate them downstream will fail because extractors will always sell them elsewhere. Lafleur is actually quite conservative when he says:

“We are not suggesting that extraction-based accounting should replace territorial based accounting under the international negotiation framework. Rather, we argue that an extraction-based accounting framework could complement the standard territorial one. While domestic emissions reductions are, and should remain, the prime focus under the Paris Agreement, an extraction based emission inventory could inform the discourse on ‘means of support’ for mitigation, adaptation, or loss and damage elsewhere. Given the economic benefits accruing from the extraction and sale of fossil fuels, that linkage between extraction-based emissions accounting and provision of support could also be reasoned indirectly, i.e. via an argument of capability.”

The severe failure of emissions protocols, however, made me without knowing of the idea of extraction-based emissions think that the territorial-based system was too flawed to be useful. Additionally, the idea of extraction-based emissions was not invented by Lafleur, but was developed with less quantification by Michael Lazarus and Peter Erickson in the early 2010s, by when I was already of the view that there must be a serious flaw in emissions calculations given that efforts to transform to clean energy in Europe had no impact globally. Lazarus and Erickson do contend, if implicitly, that extraction-based emissions completely replacing territorial-based emissions in negotiations would be a good idea.

It has for over two decades angered me that so ecologically fragile a country as Australia has been so consistently ranked as one of the worst performers in climate policy — and in recent assessment as the worst. The unique ecological traits of Australia, as noted by such writers are Tim Flannery, Tom McMahon, Gordon Orians, and Antoni Milewski, require Australia to be the world’s leader in energy and emissions policy by a large margin, and to be consistent ranked as by far the best performing country according to CCPI criteria! It is equally untenable that the best-performing countries according to CCPI are:

  1. of negligible conservation value due to having floras and fauna that are wholly postglacial, vis-à-vis the extremely ancient Australian flora and fauna adopted to conditions much more typical fo geological history
  2. negligibly small extractors of fossil fuels and thus (as noted above) entirely unable to have any influence upon global emissions outside their territory

2020 Climate Change Policy Institute rank for correctly included countries — dark red = Very Low; orange = Low; yellow = Medium; light green = High. Countries in white are incorrectly included and would be excluded from an extraction-based assessment. Countries in dark grey are incorrectly excluded but necessarily included for a usable extraction-based assessment

Thus, I created the map above from the 2020 CCPI report to see just how bad Australia is when compared to other major extraction-based emitters. I “whitened out” countries whose inclusion would be worse than unnecessary under an extraction-based scheme, and colored in dark grey countries whose omission would be untenable for any such scheme.

A major problem, although an inevitable one, is that policy details may not be available for many major extraction-based emitters. This does naturally mean that their ranking under CCPI criteria would almost definitely be Very Low. This is almost certainly true for Iraq, Venezuela, Libya, and several sub-Saharan oil producers. Assessing Kuwait, Qaṭar, the United Arab Emirates and Turkmenistan — all very important emitters — is made difficult by the very limited access to information provided by their governments. The fact that CCPI could assess Sacudi Arabia, however, suggests that these problems are not insurmountable.

If every country colored dark grey on the above map scored Very Low, it would not excuse Australia’s abysmal record, although it would make it relatively less bad. It would demonstrate that countries who do no extract fossil fuels need to be much more united to demand both repayment and energy reform from the major polluters, many of whom are extremely wealthy and able to afford this. Such a contention is supported by the poor scores of almost all other major polluters — Sacudi Arabia, Russia, the United States, Iran, Canada, Kazakhstan. If some of the countries colored dark grey scored better than Very Low, it would highlight how bad Australia’s performance is. However, unless a country scores significantly worse than Australia — which may not be possible if I recall correctly — it remains necessary to highly how badly Australia has performed and how important it is to remedying and paying the costs of climate change.

Monday, 4 July 2022

The 473,268th and 473,269th centuries — how few primes do you need?

In recent days, as I recover from a series of “bugs” (viruses) that badly affected me all through June and made me feel much chillier than usual in typically cool Melbourne winter weather, I have looked again at old prime number lists on the Encyclopedia of Integer Sequences.

Over eight year ago, I published a post on the 16,719th century, the first to contain no prime number, and some other sequences with very few primes. Today, using the trusty Alpertron factoring site, I turned my attention to the 473,268th and 473,269th centuries — the first consecutive centuries void of prime numbers. The factors of numbers not divisible by 2, 3, or 5 in the 473,268th and 473,269th centuries are tabulated below:

  • 47,326,703 = 43 × 73 × 15,077
  • 47,326,709 = 23 × 2,057,683
  • 47,326,711 = 331 × 142,981
  • 47,326,717 = 2,939 × 16,103
  • 47,326,721 = 13 × 53 × 149 × 461
  • 47,326,723 = 67 × 706,369
  • 47,326,727 = 7 × 233 × 29,017
  • 47,326,729 = 89 × 643 × 827
  • 47,326,733 = 2521 × 18,773
  • 47,326,739 = 19 × 19 × 31 × 4,229
  • 47,326,741 = 7 × 11 × 614,633
  • 47,326,747 = 13 × 3,640,519
  • 47,326,751 = 41 × 1,154,311
  • 47,326,753 = 29 × 1,631,957
  • 47,326,757 = 5,477 × 8,641
  • 47,326,759 = 17 × 2,783,927
  • 47,326,763 = 11 × 131 × 32,843
  • 47,326,769 = 7 × 1,291 × 5,237
  • 47,326,771 = 1,399 × 33,829
  • 47,326,777 = 19 × 199 × 12,517
  • 47,326,781 = 829 × 57,089
  • 47,326,783 = 7 × 6,760,969
  • 47,326,787 = 137 × 345,451
  • 47,326,789 = 43 × 61 × 18,043
  • 47,326,793 = 17 × 523 × 5,323
  • 47,326,799 = 13 × 3,640,523
  • 47,326,801 = 23 × 31 × 66,377
  • 47,326,807 = 11 × 257 × 16,741
  • 47,326,811 = 7 × 29 × 37 × 6,301
  • 47,326,813 = 307 × 154,159
  • 47,326,817 = 431 × 109,807
  • 47,326,819 = 109 × 434,191
  • 47,326,823 = 2,753 × 17,191
  • 47,326,829 = 11 × 4,302,439
  • 47,326,831 = 6,793 × 6,967
  • 47,326,837 = 1,279 × 37,003
  • 47,326,841 = 1,777 × 26,633
  • 47,326,843 = 349 × 135,607
  • 47,326,847 = 23 × 2,057,689
  • 47,326,849 = 73 × 73 × 83 × 107
  • 47,326,853 = 7 × 19 × 355,841
  • 47,326,859 = 139 × 340,481
  • 47,326,861 = 17 × 2,783,933
  • 47,326,867 = 7 × 379 × 17,839
  • 47,326,871 = 743 × 63,697
  • 47,326,873 = 11 × 151 × 28,493
  • 47,326,877 = 13 × 1,187 × 3,067
  • 47,326,879 = 1,931 × 24,509
  • 47,326,883 = 101 × 619 × 757
  • 47,326,889 = 6,073 × 7,793
  • 47,326,891 = 19 × 2,490,889
  • 47,326,897 = 1,277 × 37,061
The square root of 47,326,900 is approximately 6,879.454920268029491. The largest prime smaller than the square root of 47,326,900 is 6,871, and 6,871 is the 872nd prime number. If we tabulate all factors from the table above, we find that the following primes smaller than 6,879 divide numbers in the 473,268th and 473,269th centuries:
 
Prime # of numbers divisible by
7 7
11 4
13 4
17 3
19 4
23 3
29 2
31 2
37 1
41 1
43 2
53 1
61 1
67 1
73 2
83 1
89 1
101 1
107 1
109 1
131 1
137 1
139 1
149 1
151 1
199 1
233 1
257 1
307 1
331 1
347 1
379 1
431 1
461 1
523 1
619 1
643 1
743 1
757 1
827 1
829 1
1,187 1
1,277 1
1,279 1
1,291 1
1,399 1
1,777 1
1,931 1
2,521 1
2,753 1
2,939 1
3,067 1
4,229 1
5,237 1
5,323 1
5,477 1
6,073 1
6,301 1
6,793 1
In other words, only fifty-nine primes out of 872 are needed to divide numbers in the first pair of consecutive primefree centuries (excluding number divisible by 2, 3, or 5 which may also have other factors smaller than 6,879). Put another way, just 6.53 percent of the primes that could potentially be the smallest factor of a number in the 473,268th or 473,269th centuries actually divide any number therewithin. With similar sequences in seven-digit centuries — just one order of magnitude smaller — the proportion of primes required is three times greater, which I find somewhat surprising. It obviously suggests that “pairing” of factors rapidly becomes more difficult as numbers become larger, so that it is more difficult for possible factors to occur in rapid succession as happens during the persistent record gap between 1,327 and 1,361.